Earlier
this year, the sex film archivist and historian David Flint began to receive
strange telephone calls. Did he have any hardcore tapes to sell? No. He
didn't. Flint quickly forgot about the call. He was used to fobbing off
readers of his movie magazine Sexadelic who asked him for tapes. A
few days later, though, the same caller insisted that Flint must know
somebody, someone who was willing to sell hardcore. He had
£200 to spend. No, make that
£500. Now Flint was suspicious. The
caller had mentioned a supposed mutual friend, of whom he had never heard.
Also, when Flint dialled 1471 to find out who was calling him, no number
came back. But surely he was in the clear: he didn't collect or write about
child porn or so-called snuff movies and, even if somebody was trying to set
him up, he hadn't sold or even given tapes to anybody. He couldn't be
arrested for writing about porn, could he?
The answer came two weeks later at 7.30am when PC Hutten
of Greater Manchester's Obscene Publications Squad knocked on Flint's
door and presented a search warrant. Three hours later, after 535 tapes,
three video recorders, his computer data and bank documents had been
seized, Flint was told to report to the Manchester police the following
week. But once there, the police conceded that Flint hadn't sold on any
of his tapes. What's more, PC Hutten revealed that he and the mysterious
phone-caller were one and the same person. Even so, Flint was told that
he was likely to be arrested for "possession with intent to gain" under
Section II of the Obscene Publications Act - which carries a penalty of
up to three years' imprisonment.
Flint has become the latest casualty in Britain's
ongoing porn war at a time when, according to the British Broadcasting
Standards Council and the British Board Of Film Classification, the
British are becoming more relaxed about consensual sex on screen. This
equanimity, however, does not appear to have percolated through to the
Government.
In January, Education Secretary David Blunkett attacked
the British Council for its overseas sponsorship of Mark Ravenhill's
Shopping And Fucking - without even having seen the play himself. In
March, a dinner planned for the wives of the G8 summit leaders at the
refurbished Ikon Gallery, in Birmingham, was suddenly cancelled because
the building was displaying the paintings of the American feminist
artist Nancy Spero, whose work has been criticised for its explicit
content. Most recently, the University of Central England's library was
raided by the West Midland Obscene Publications squad for holding a
seven-year-old book by American photographer Robert Mapplethorpe.
For Flint, however, the surest sign of the sexual
climate can be seen in the Government's reaction to recent changes by
the the BBFC to the classification of sex films. Last November, Home
Secretary Jack Straw publicly attacked the BBFC director James Ferman
for passing two American hardcore videos, Batbabe and Ladies Behaving
Badly, with Restricted 18 certificates. It was perhaps no coincidence
that the long-serving director resigned soon after.
In order to realise the impact of Straw's attack,
however, we have to turn back to 1979 and the birth of the R-18
classification.
Then, as now, the crucial issue underpinning sexual
regulation in this country was the conflict between the authorities and
the black market. Yet, contrary to appearances, this supposedly
adversarial relationship has always been mutually dependent. The
reliance of the black market on a strict film censor to provide it with
a frustrated audience is best summed up by the reception given to the
head censor, John Trevelyan, in the seventies. According to George
Melly, the then film critic of The Observer, as Trevelyan travelled home
in a cab from his office in Soho Square every day, sex entrepreneurs
would come out on to the pavement and doff their pork pie hats in
gratitude. It was as a result of this unholy alliance that Jim
Callaghan's Labour government in 1979 created a consensual sex category,
the R-18, as a way of siphoning off the burgeoning audience from illegal
sex clubs.
Straw's nineties authoritarianism has once again fuelled
the black market in consensual porn. It has also created a public
protection racket that has jeopardised his government's battle against
violent pornography.
Consensual porn tends to fall under Section III of the
Obscene Publications Act, which is basically a destruction order.
Violent porn usually comes under the more serious Section II, with its
threat of imprisonment. The police have noticed a disturbing, divergent
trend developing between the way the two types of pornography are now
sold.
"In Soho, the majority of our work deals with Section
III material," says Superintendant Jauch of the Met's Clubs and Vice
Unit. "It's becoming more and more difficult to find the more violent
Section II material because when dealers are arrested, they find out
there's a chance of going to prison if they're convicted. So if you want
Section II stuff, the way to get it is by mail order, or by ordering it
over the Internet." What's especially worrying for the Vice and OPA
squads is the ease with which this "stuff" can be obtained. A Dutch
hardcore film distributor, for instance, only has to get one
master-video copy of a film through customs (which is then duplicated
and sold on through mail subscription in sex magazines) to snare a
massive profit without any threat of prosecution.
This supra-national trade seems to pose an insoluble
problem for the authorities. Nonetheless, as the nineties progressed,
Ferman realised that there was a solution. Based on the top floor of a
building in Soho Square, Ferman's office literally overlooked the
biggest porn business in Britain. Living with the ridiculous anomaly of
an alternate film distribution network, which thrived just under his
nose while being totally outside his control, he oversaw the creation of
the R-18 classification. But, as he states in the last BBFC annual
report, Soho's black market is "booming". Also, his sieve-like
censorship system has had gaping holes torn in it by foreign-based
satellite sex companies such as FilmNet, TV 1000 and Eurotica - from
which films can be taped and easily duplicated. To put a stop to what
must be one of the easiest ways of making money, it seemed to Ferman
that the regulators had to go back to the source, across the Channel,
from where the material was emanating.
Ferman knew, though, that to reach a Europe-wide
agreement over violent pornography there had to be a quid pro quo. With
the exception of Ireland, every European country now sells consensual
pornography - either, like Germany, in specially licensed video shops
or, like France, on the supermarket shelf. In exchange for Continental
Europe clamping down on the distribution to Britain of violent porn
films, said Ferman, Britain would loosen the restrictions on consensual
sex films. This is the prospective agreement that has been effectively
scuppered by Straw's recent actions.
It is into this cat's-cradle of political mismanagement
that David Flint has fallen. He believes he is being targeted because
his work reflects the fact that, despite Straw's protestations and
police prosecutions, consensual porn is being increasingly accepted by
mainstream Britain. His magazine and collation of 15,000 sex films for
the Web is part of this reality. "The fact that I'm treating this
subject seriously, and doing it openly in their backyard, must have
infuriated the police," he says.
It is public knowledge that Flint has the most
comprehensive databank in the world on the history of sex films - from
American "stag" movies of the forties, to British "nudie"' of the
sixties and nineties "couples" movies made by American feminists. He is
also used as a source by the British and American Film Institutes. But
as Flint himself points out: "That doesn't matter to the police, because
they don't consider them to be legitimate films. I couldn't say to them,
'Some of those tapes you've seized are irreplaceable because I don't
know anybody else in the world who has copies of those films.' As far as
they're concerned, they're not real films, they're just criminal acts."
Flint himself is wary of talking about the obscenity
laws because it might affect his case, but Section II of the OPA is, as
the police themselves admit, a very flexible weapon. "The simple
possession of adult pornography," Superintendant Jauch admits, "is not
an offence." But then, with a wry laugh, he adds: "Almost everything
else to do with adult pornography is." Jauch reveals that the word
"possession" - in Section II's possession for gain - can mean almost
anything. "For you to possess an obscene article, for instance, is not
an offence," he says. "For you to show it to the next person, however,
is."
Next Tuesday morning, Flint will arrive at Manchester's
Bootle Street police station to find out if he is going to be charged by
PC Hutten and his OPA squad. If he is - which is likely - he will, at
the very least, lose a lot of his films to the incinerator under a
destruction order. If he's acquitted, he could be charged again because,
unlike any other law, the OPA allows the police to have as many bites at
the cherry as they need in order to win a conviction.
Flint, however, won't concede the moral high ground:
"I've always found people aren't very bothered by my work. Nobody has
reacted in a menacing way. By and large, they'll either be very curious
or they'll show no interest at all. Nobody's shocked, nobody's appalled.
Nobody's said, 'I can't associate with you because of what you do'." But
this counts for nothing in the current moral climate. Because right now
it seems the sensibilities of the Middle England voter demand that Jack
Straw takes a liberty - David Flint's liberty.
Tom Dewe Mathews's Censored: The Story Of Film
Censorship In Britain is published by Chatto and Windus, price
£14.99.